By Amir Mateen and M.Arshad

When Zafarullah Khan Jamali was anointed as prime minister, many argued as to what political course he might adopt. Would he go the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto way by taking on the establishment full blast, follow Mohammad Khan Junejo's style of using the establishment's crutches to gradually assert his own independence, or adopt Nawaz Sharif's and Benazir Bhutto's neither-here-nor-there approach that led to their exile.

In the end, the man from Jhattpatt followed what can only be described as the Jamali model. This entailed total obedience to the 'boss'.

And yet his fate was not dissimilar from those of earlier occupants. Jamali's stint as the prime minister, however, was worse in the way he was reportedly mistreated by his masters.

Zafarullah Jamali, nicknamed Jabal, which means 'mountain', was reduced to a rolling stone that was kicked about, mostly on petty things. For instance, he once asked a serving lieutenant- general if he could deliver on the contents of his briefing. He was officially reprimanded that he should mind his manners while talking to the uniformed cadre.

Former education minister Zubaida Jalal is said to have got him a demarche for being 'sexist' while questioning her prolonged post-pregnancy leave.

Neelofar Bakhtiar was another regular complainant against the prime minister. Rais Munir was yet another. There was believed to be a whole group of presidential favourites, including politicians, bureaucrats and particularly army officers posted on civilian posts, who filed childish complaints against the prime minister. The stories of Jamali being scolded were then relished at Islamabad's elitist dinner parties.

This was despite the fact that Jamali had apparently decided from day one that he would not challenge the might of the establishment, whatever the circumstances. He did not want to repeat the mistake of dissolving yet another assembly, the first being that of Balochistan in 1988. He was content to have a 'moth-eaten' prime ministership with no say in selecting his cabinet members. All major bureaucratic appointments, not just those of secretaries and ambassadors, but key posts like PTV managing director or PEMRA chief, had to be cleared by the presidency. He was even pressured into changing his personal staff.

There were cases, it is said, when he was asked to remove serving officials to adjust retired nominees of the president. There remained about 6,000 serving and retired army personnel posted on civilian jobs in which he had no say.

Jamali acceded to every presidential stricture and put up with open rebellion by his cabinet ministers. He even bowed down before the 17th Amendment, death knell for any premier, which also entailed the president-controlled National Security Council. He sat at meetings nodding robotically to every word that the president uttered. And yet he was kept under constant threat of being removed.

For most part of his tenure he remained on his toes, running between power centres, sometimes even to the level of politicians like Kabir Ali Wasti, who was to come out with a strong denunciation of the premier.

It is suggested that he was even made to explain his conduct, to control his peculiar wit, and then told that he should stop entertaining particular guests. He could go on foreign tours only when approved by the boss. The list of journalists accompanying him was also vetted. Eyebrows were raised at one thing or the other. He was accused of trying to establish his independent contacts with the Americans. The basis of this charge was an informal exchange that Jamali had with US Secretary of State Collin Powell during his last visit to Washington.

The list of charges reportedly grew longer in the final weeks of his tenure. A campaign was launched to unnerve him, and official machinery was used to prepare the people for the change.

What is now being painted as the party's decision was decided by just one person. According to information pieced together, at the last supper that took place on the eve of Jamali's departure, Chaudhri Shujaat Hussain tried to persuade Jamali to withdraw in favour of Liaquat Jatoi, as Liaquat was seen as a better choice than Humayun Akhtar, who the Chaudhris thought would make it to the prime ministership.

Jamali, in turn, offered that he would withdraw only if Shujaat was the candidate. Incidentally, Jatoi was the last person that Jamali met at the PM House at noon before leaving for the presidency.

The first thing that the president is said to have told him was that he should resign. Jamali did not resist even for a second, much to the relief of the president who had been told by his aides that Jamali was up to something mischievous. President Musharraf reciprocated by seeking his advice on the selection of his successor. There were in all 11 candidates for the post. It was shortened to four names, Shujaat Hussain, Aftab Sherpao, Mohammad Mian Soomro and Shaukat Aziz.

Shaukat Aziz probably was the lone candidate from the start, but Jamali was given the impression as if things rested on his advice. He fought for Shujaat Hussain's case, arguing that he wanted to return a favour to the person who had got him elected in the first place. Jamali was then told that the real name would be conveyed to him later.

The two came out when the president announced that Jamali had graciously agreed to resign before his six aides. Chaudhri Shujaat and Chaudhri Pervaiz Elahi waited anxiously in a side room.

The trio of Jamali, Shujaat and Pervaiz returned to the PM House, where Jamali told them that he had tried his best for Chaudhri Shujaat's selection. The trio waited for a call with bated breath.

When it finally came, Jamali heard it while the Chaudhris looked on. Jamali told them the decision, first the bit about Chaudhri Shujaat's prime ministership and then about Shaukat Aziz. Shujaat was overwhelmed by the news and in fact became quite emotional. Then he made Jamali talk to his mother, who gave the PM her blessings. The trio then proceeded to announce the decision at the PML House.

It is yet to be seen what model Chaudhri Shujaat or his successor, if elected, might adopt. Incidentally, the Chaudhri was given a taste of what life was like for Jamali when on the very first day, he got a demarche for not making it adequately clear that he was just a stop-gap prime minister for Shaukat Aziz. It is possible that the Chaudhris, in their excitement, had not fully understood the bit about Shaukat Aziz.